The Timorese-born Australian Angelita Pires recently declared her nomination in East Timor's Presidential election and is now preparing to begin her campaign. Pires says she's running to address problems in the justice system and to help provide universal access to justice.

"My candidacy was mostly due to the request of many, many people, many poor people and many of those youths and women who felt that they don't have access to justice and they felt that they wanted a change. Until today they insist that they want a new face and new ideas," said Peres in this interview.

Neither the Islamist nor liberal parties fielded a significant number of female candidates on their lists in the recently held parliamentary elections, a report revealed.

The report, issued by a program at Nazra for Feminist Studies, showed that the average Islamist party list was made up of 16 percent female candidates, while “civil” parties — often considered more liberal — averaged 17.5 percent women on their lists.

In its report, Nazra’s Academy for Women’s Political Participation program investigates why so few women were successful in their bid for parliament and explains how few women ran in the first place.

After many years of advocacy, women’s groups and activists watched as the Parliament of Papua New Guinea (PNG) voted to amend the constitution and create an additional 22 reserved seats for women. The 22 seats will be added to the current seats in parliament, held by 108 men and only one woman. Parliament also needs to pass an organic law on the reserved seats by a super majority of 73 votes. Parliament also needs to pass an organic law on the reserved seats by a super majority of 73 votes in order for it to go into effect.

IFES conducted a lobby training program for 25 activists as part of the U.S. State Department’s Women Advocating for Voices in Government project, working closely with the National Council for Women (NCW). One of the highlights of the training was a presentation by Dr. Eric Kwa, professor at the PNG University Law School, on how a bill becomes a law.  Many participants did not understand the legislative process and few knew that the constitution was the supreme law of the land or that parliament could suspend rules and pass a law in one day.

Sanaa Roshdy, 54, a housewife in Cairo, Egypt's capital, was one of many Egyptians who watched the warning message in a YouTube video that began to circulate last year named "Message From Iranian Women to Tunisian and Egyptian Women."

The video features pictures of the life of Iranian women before and after the Islamic revolution there in 1979. Depicting a reversal of women's rights with the implementation of Islamic rule after the revolution, the video warns women in Egypt and Tunisia to make sure the same thing doesn't happen to them after revolutions in both countries a year ago and Islamic groups looking to assume leadership.

"I've heard people talking about the resemblance between the Egyptian revolution and the Islamic revolution many times," Roshdy says. "It never made sense to me until I saw this video."

Under the banner of “No Spring without Women,” a Lebanese feminist organisation has organized a march in Beirut, as part of the 5th New Arab Woman Forum. The slogan of the march is “Sawa Sawa”, which in this context means “Let’s walk together, let’s make it together”, calling for a Spring that includes both men and women. Before getting the invitation to this march, my mind was already preoccupied with the future of Arab women after the revolutions and how women’s status might be impacted in each of the Arab countries. My concern is: can there be Arab union or organisation to sustain Arab women’s status in the post-revolution era?

Women in the Arab world have suffered in the revolutions, but the question now is, what will the outcome of all this suffering and sacrifice be? To date, the revolutions have not resulted in any improvement in women’s status. In Egypt, there are now voices saying that women should leave the revolution to men, and during a demonstration on International Women’s Day in March, men jeered at the women marching, telling them to go home and feed their babies.

Mayawati is far from a sure bet to win another term as chief minister of the northern state whose population of 200 million would rank as the fifth-most populous in the world if it were a country.

If she doesn't, it would be a blow to her undisguised ambition to one day become prime minister of India, a goal that looked reasonable back in 2007 when she won a huge mandate from the state's voters by appealing to a rainbow of castes, which still define the socio-economic status for many of India's 1.2 billion people.

Electrification and rural welfare projects have undoubtedly contributed to economic growth, which at seven percent annually in her first four years of office, was the state's fastest-ever rate.

Naomi Koshi, the 36-year-old Harvard-educated lawyer who won the recent mayoral election here has vowed to change the lives of women in Japan.

Her drive to join the political world originates from seeing so many women being forced to choose between family and work.

By working closely with Gov. Kada, Koshi vows to become "the spokeswoman of a generation that cares for their elders and strives to raise children."