Women's Leadership
Women of Iran, similar to those across many parts of the region, benefit from a long history of feminist activism. Refusing to remain silent to discriminatory laws, practices, and behaviors, women have been struggling for equality, freedom, and justice through grassroots mobilization against conservative religious rule.
The latest spark of feminist resistance on a mass level occurred in September 2022 over the killing of Kurdish-Iranian Mahsa Jina Amini from injuries she sustained while in police custody for allegedly violating Iran’s conservative hijab laws. Under the banner of, “woman, life, freedom,” women led vast street protests for months in demand for basic rights and liberties, risking their lives and freedoms in the face of a violent state crackdown. Building on decades of women’s rights organizing, women across Iran rose to express their frustrations from systemic gender discrimination codified in Iran’s laws, as well as their intentional marginalization from politics.
In this latest wave of protests, large sections of the population, regardless of gender, region, ethnicity, age, and religious identity, also joined in—recognizing that women’s demands for equality and freedom form the foundations of broader demands for democracy, human rights, and justice.
Large-scale protests that erupted in 2022 across Iran, centering on women’s rights, captured the world’s attention.
Iranians peacefully protested in the streets of places ranging from Tehran to small towns across the country, chanting, “Woman, life, freedom.” The protests reflected many Iranians’ growing frustration with the political regime in power since 1979 – and its ongoing violation of citizens’ basic rights, especially those of women and other historically marginalized groups.
While the latest wave of street protests dwindled by the first few months of 2023, nonviolent protests for freedom, democracy and equality have a long history in Iran and continue today.
The Nobel Peace Prize committee granted its 2023 prize to Narges Mohammadi, a prominent and currently imprisoned women’s rights advocate in Iran. This recognized popular resistance to Iran’s authoritarian regime.
As a scholar of women’s rights in Muslim cultures, I have documented women’s political activism in Iran and other Middle Eastern countries. My research shows that even when women are not demonstrating en masse in the streets, they consistently fight against gender discrimination, often at their own peril.
What do you think motivated Israel to attack Iran?
This conflict can’t be understood without looking at the decades-long tensions between Israel and Iran. Both are authoritarian and patriarchal regimes that use each other to justify repression at home. Iran relies on anti-western and anti-Israel narratives to silence dissent, while Israel invokes security threats from Hamas in Gaza or Iran’s nuclear programme to justify its actions. Each fuels the other’s hold on power.
Iran engages in so-called ‘unconventional wars’ to expand its regional influence and distract from internal crises just as Israel uses the conflict to divert attention from its domestic problems, including its treatment of Palestinians. Neither has an interest in genuine peace as they both benefit from a state of ongoing confrontation and constant sense of crisis.
During the recent phase of conflict, military targets were hit, and Iran’s intelligence services used the moment to crack down harder on activists and union workers. Daily life in Iran continues to be shaped by corruption, poverty and repression, particularly in regions that are rich in resources but lack basic services.
Some Iranians hoped the conflict might lead to regime change, but it quickly became clear this wouldn’t happen. Instead, the conflict helped both governments strengthen their grip on power. The war is unlikely to end, and will likely continue in unconventional forms, allowing both sides to maintain control under the guise of an ongoing existential threat.
Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish girl, traveled to Tehran on a family holiday. She never returned. She died in the custody of Iran’s morality police, a wing of police that enforces mandatory hijab on Iranian women. Since her death on September 16th, there has been ongoing protest across the country. Mahsa was yet another heartbreaking example that in the Islamic Republic of Iran being a woman is a crime.
Mahsa is not the first woman to lose her life simply because they are born a woman in Iran. Countless women have lost their lives Some were victims of honor killing like Mona Heidari, others, died escaping rape like Schiler Rasouli, and others, took their own lives simply because they wanted to watch a football match in the stadium and were not allowed or are jailed to be executed only because they wanted to live their lives as who they are. The list is long.
But now Iran is at a turning point in its modern history. Since the disputed presidential election in 2009 (popularly known as the green movement), Iranian society has experienced significant shocks on several fronts: the effects of systemic corruption started to show and as a result, the traditional ecosystem of the regime’s cronies started to change. Some lost their stake in the game and turned into opposition while others moved the wealth they had accumulated to Europe and/or North America. Images of their children on social media indicate that they lead lives that counteract those advocated by their parents for the rest of society. They drink, dance, wear no hejab, mingle with the opposite sex freely, and their lifestyle contradicts the Islamic Republic’s values.
OPEN DEBATE ON « WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY »
STATEMENT BY MR. JAY DHARMADHIKARI
DEPUTY PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF FRANCE TO THE UNITED NATIONS
TO THE SECURITY COUNCIL
(TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH)
New York, 6 of October 2025
Mr. President,
I would first like to thank the Secretary-General and the Executive Director of UN Women, Ms. Sima Bahous, for their statements and their commitment to the Women, Peace and Security agenda.
Twenty-five years after the adoption of Resolution 1325, this agenda has led to significant progress.
The protection of women in armed conflict and their participation in peacekeeping are now at the heart of peace operation mandates, like MONUSCO and UNMISS, as well as peace agreements—I am thinking, for example, of the peace agreements in Colombia and South Sudan.
Although they remain underrepresented, women continue to grow in number in national diplomatic services, military contingents, police contingents, and the United Nations more broadly.
However, the brutal deterioration of the situation of women in armed conflict and the increasing attacks on their rights are today putting this agenda at risks.
In Gaza, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Myanmar, and many other conflicts, the exposure of women and girls, their proportion among the victims, and the number of cases of sexual violence verified by the United Nations are unprecedented.
In Ukraine, the armed forces of a permanent member of this Council—Russia—are committing rape and other form of sexual violence against civilians and prisoners of war. In Afghanistan, the segregation of women by the Taliban is so severe that it could amount to a crime against humanity.
In response, we must protect the achievements of the past two decades and place the Women, Peace and Security agenda back at the heart of a reformed United Nations and effective multilateralism.
I would like to emphasize four key areas for action which are within reach for the members of this Council.
Firstly, continue to strengthen women’s participation in all aspects of peacekeeping.
In line with CEDAW Committee General Recommendation No. 40, we must enhance women’s representation in decision-making systems, moving towards the goal of parity—including in United Nations governance.
We must encourage initiatives that aim at promoting women’s participation in peace processes and peace operations. I am thinking in particular of training for women in uniform.
Secondly, we must effectively implement the Council’s Women, Peace and Security resolutions on the ground.
France will continue to negotiate to ensure that these resolutions remain at the heart of peace operation mandates.
France also calls for strengthening the presence of women’s protection advisers and military advisers on gender issues in these operations.
Thirdly, we need to fight impunity and ensure that victims obtain reparation.
We must provide greater support to national authorities in this regard, particularly judicial authorities. We commend the work of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Ms. Pramila Patten, as well as her efforts to create an international network of prosecutors to combat impunity for perpetrators of sexual violence in conflict.
We call for the strengthening of the Council’s use of targeted sanctions against those responsible for these crimes.
France reiterates its full support for the International Criminal Court and for international mechanisms that investigate sexual crimes.
Fourth, support the United Nations and civil society organizations, which play a key role on the ground.
France welcomes the commitment of UN Women and UNFPA to implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. We also support feminist organizations through a dedicated national fund, one of the world’s largest both in terms of geographical scope and financial scale.
Mr. President,
As France is about to adopt its fourth national action plan on women, peace, and security for 2026-2030, which will take into account emerging issues such as digital technology and climate change, I would like to pay tribute to the negotiators, mediators, women in uniform, female humanitarian workers, representatives of civil society, and so many other women who work daily to promote peace. Their courage compels us to act.
As a sign of this commitment, the Women, Peace and Security agenda will be among of priorities of the 4th Ministerial Conference on Feminist Diplomacy, to be held in Paris on October 22 and 23.
Thank you.
First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Sen. Oluremi Tinubu, has emphasized the importance of inclusive political participation, calling for increased women’s representation in nation-building efforts.
Sen. Tinubu made the call during the 774 Explode Programme; an empowerment initiative organized by the Office of the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Women Leader, themed, “Enhancing Gender Space in Politics”, which took place at the Victor Uwaifo Creative Hub in Benin City.
Represented by the Minister of Women Affairs, Hon. Imaan Sulaiman Ibrahim, Sen. Tinubu celebrated women’s invaluable contributions in nation building and growth.
Senator Tinubu joined forces with key stakeholders, including the Coordinator, Office of the Edo State First Lady, Mrs. Edesili Okpebholo Anani; Commissioner for Women Affairs and Social Development, Chief Bisi Idaomi Esq.; and the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Women Leader, Dr. Mary Alile, to advocate for increased women’s representation in politics.
The event aimed to address the cultural and systemic barriers that limit women’s participation in governance. The dignitaries emphasized the need for economic empowerment, reserved political seats for women, and inclusive policies to ensure gender equality and stronger nation-building.
Women have been politically active and have played key roles at times of critical turning points in Sudan’s history, but this has not been translated into official recognition in political processes or substantive representation in government.
The latest example of this is women’s active role in response to the crisis that has evolved in Sudan since 15 April 2023, when the country was plunged into violence amidst the power struggle between the two main factions of the ruling military regime, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
Click here to read the full article published by Relief Web on 14 June 2023.
During the Summit for Democracy Year of Action, the S4D cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy identified recommendations for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality, Statement and Roadmap of recommendations. The co-leads of the gender cohort – Sweden, Romania, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and International IDEA encourage governments and civil society to consider the recommendations and proposed actions.
The Gender Cohort strongly supports the themes for the Regional Summits for Democracy 2023. The regional themes have a critical link to gender equality and democracy nexus and the Gender Cohort has developed specific briefs on gender for each theme: Youth; Anti-Corruption; Free, Fair and Transparent Elections; Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) and Media Freedom.
Statement and Roadmap of Recommendations
The recommendations and proposed actions were identified in consultation with the cohort consisting of over 100 representatives of governments and civil society from all regions of the world. Governments and civil society are encouraged to consider the recommendations as tools for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality. The recommendations focus on three pillars: inclusion; legislative and policy frameworks; and conflict prevention, peace and security. Each thematic pillar is fundamental for gender equality in democracy processes.
Read the statement of recommendations >>
Read the roadmap of recommendations >>
Briefs of the Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality
Gender equality is fundamental to the electoral process because it enables women—as voters, candidates and elected officials—to influence public policy and advocate for their interests. However, women face significant obstacles to political participation, including the use of targeted gender-based violence and intimidation meant to discourage them from running for office or exercising their political rights. Challenges and risks are even greater for women from historically marginalized communities. Additionally, women are less likely to be recruited and selected as candidates, are less likely to have equal access to campaign funds and face greater challenges to proportional representation.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Anti-Corruption
Corruption undermines democracy and justice because it impedes the ability of the public to benefit fully from government institutions. Combating corruption requires a gender perspective in order to gain a full understanding of its scope and impact. Women have unique (but not uniform) approaches to anti-corruption and are also impacted differently by corruption which drives inequalities and undermines opportunities for healthy democracies.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Youth
Youth are the leaders of the future. Yet, people under the age of 35 are rarely found in formal political leadership positions, with fewer women than men in these roles.2 Research by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) found that out of 2.2 per cent of parliamentarians under the age of 30, less than 1 per cent are young women. The marginalization of youth—including young women— from politics leads to missed opportunities to strengthen democracy-building processes and institutions. Gender equality as a prerequisite for democracy requires tailored efforts to engage both young women and men. Barriers to the inclusion of youth in politics must be addressed, including gendered forms of discrimination and violence.
ICTs have the potential to close gender gaps in women’s political participation. They can serve as tools for women to influence policy agendas, increase women’s access to campaign resources, strengthen networks of solidarity, and increase women’s representation in democratic agendas and processes. With social media, blogs, podcasts and promotional videos, women have bypassed traditional media outlets, such as TV and radio, to elevate their profile directly and access political decision-making.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Media Freedom
Media freedom and the safety of women journalists are fundamental to the strength of democratic processes and institutions. Yet, women are not equally represented in the media. A 2020 study of the news media in the UK, US, Kenya, India, South Africa and Nigeria found that women comprised only 15–30 percent of the subjects of news reports.
This book addresses the central question of how right-wing women navigate the cross-pressures between gender identity and political ideology.
The hope has always been that more women in politics would lead to greater inclusion of women’s voices and interests in decision-making and policy. Yet this is not always the case; some prominent conservative women such as Margaret Thatcher have rejected the feminist label while others such as Angela Merkel have reluctantly accepted it. Republican women in the U.S. Congress have embraced social and economic policies contrary to what many consider to be women’s issues while EU Commission president Ursula von der Leyen is a staunch supporter of feminist ideas. Other conservative women, such as Marine LePen in France strategically use feminist ideas to justify their conservative stances on immigration. This brings up an interesting yet understudied question: under what circumstances do conservative women become feminist allies and when do they toe the party line? It is this tension between women’s political representation and conservatism that this edited volume explores.
Click here to access the book.
Abstract
Concern over partisan resentment and hostility has increased across Western democracies. Despite growing attention to affective polarization, existing research fails to ask whether who serves in office affects mass-level interparty hostility. Drawing on scholarship on women’s behavior as elected representatives and citizens’ beliefs about women politicians, we posit the women MPs affective bonus hypothesis: all else being equal, partisans display warmer affect toward out-parties with higher proportions of women MPs. We evaluate this claim with an original dataset on women’s presence in 125 political parties in 20 Western democracies from 1996 to 2017 combined with survey data on partisans’ affective ratings of political opponents. We show that women’s representation is associated with lower levels of partisan hostility and that both men and women partisans react positively to out-party women MPs. Increasing women’s parliamentary presence could thus mitigate cross-party hostility.
Click here to access the paper.
At a time of pandemics, international economic downturns, and increasing environmental threats due to climate change, countries around the world are facing numerous crises. What impact might we expect these crises to have on the already common perception that executive leadership is a masculine domain? For years, women executives’ ability to lead has been questioned (Jalalzai 2013). However, the outbreak of COVID-19 brought headlines like CNN’s “Women Leaders Are Doing a Disproportionately Great Job at Handling the Pandemic” (Fincher 2020). Do crises offer women presidents and prime ministers opportunities to be perceived as competent leaders? Or do they prime masculinized leadership expectations and reinforce common conceptions that women are unfit to lead? We maintain that people’s perceptions of crisis leadership will depend on whether the crisis creates role (in)congruity between traditional gender norms and the leadership expectations generated by the particular crisis.
Click here to read the article by Cambridge University Press the 12 January 2023.
Women’s political rights and their exercise of political citizenship globally have often expanded more rapidly in times of conflict, crisis, and revolution. The decline of empires after World Wars I and II and the creation of new nations served as a catalyst for the expansion of women’s suffrage. Civil wars and revolutions have had similar outcomes in expanding women’s political citizenship. This essay brings together several disparate literatures on World War I, World War II, wars of independence, revolution, and post-1990 civil wars and expands their scope to show how women’s political rights and citizenship in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have often been linked to conflict. In doing so, I highlight a notable pathway by which rights expansions occurred: conflict led to changes in the political elite and ruling class, resulting in the necessity to rewrite constitutions and other rules of the polity. During these critical junctures, women’s rights activists gained opportunities to advance their demands. The context of changing international gender norms also influenced these moments. I consider two key moments in the worldwide expansion of political citizenship: the struggle for women’s suffrage and the struggle to expand women’s representation in local and national representative bodies.
Click here to read the article by Cambridge University Press on 12 January 2023.